Italian Version
Driven by my
passion for the history of late roman empire and the love I have always had for
the author, I just finished reading Alessandro Barbero's “Costantine the
Winner” (Costantino Il Vincitore).
Disclaimer The
review is long, but I assure you the book is longer!
Alessandro
Barbero is a famous historian in Italy. He started with a five minutes break
about various historical facts in a famous science tv show, and from there he
became a small television star.
He is a
fantastic speaker (if you have the opportunity and you speak italian, go to his
conferences or look for one on youtube) but he is also an excellent writer of history
essay and even historical novels.
The beautiful
thing about Barbero’s works compared to many other historical essays is his
continuous use of primary sources. This gives a sense of vitality and an exceptional
concreteness to his books (and make you regret bitterly of having practically
forgotten all that Latin studied in high school).
When a history
book deals with the original voices it is always fun and very educational:
Constantine's legislation on tax evasion or on bribery of public officials seen
with the eyes of 21st century teaches a lot, especially that in 2,000 years the
world has not changed (apart from the penalties a less bloody than the stake or
the crucifixion).
So having read
with pleasure other books from him, I boldly faced "Constantine the
Winner".
It's an eight
hundred pages book.
Eight hundred
pages that start from the primary sources.
If you lack the strength
to deal with the textual analysis of the works of Eusebius of Caesarea, Lattantius
or Zosimos, this is not the book for you. And this is the light part: there are
entire chapters dedicated to the epigraphs of the road milestones or on how the
legislative activity of Constantine can be reconstructed based on the materials
of the later Codex Teodosianum or Justinianum.
Did I scare you?
Well, I don't want anyone to venture without being aware of what they find.
In short, it is
not an easy book and it is not the right book if you have not already read
something about Constantine, but having said that, the final judgment is that
it is a very interesting, revolutionary book, that can teach you something new.
Barbero's book
is a counter-current book, it tries to reconstruct the figure of Constantine
from primary sources and in doing so it cannot help but criticize and falsify
much of traditional historiography.
There are two
great strands of historical thought on Constantine.
Constantine is
the first Christian Emperor, he converted having the famous vision of the cross
and the inscription In Hoc Signo Vinces before the battle of Ponte Milvio
against the pagan persecutor Maxentius, after which to thank God for the victory
he founded numerous Basilicas (in Rome San Peter and St. John) and he promulgated
the edict of Milan which gave freedom of worship to Christians, and he convened
the Council of Nicea to affirm orthodoxy and fight the Arian heresy.
Or maybe you read
the opposite: Constantine was a crafty cynic who did not believe in anything
and who chose a new religion to unify a shaky Empire, and perhaps modeled
Christianity from above by defining dogmas and sacred books (betraying its
original spirit).
Over time, the
two currents have alternated in popularity, sometimes falling into the more ridiculous
hagiography, others leading to the
popularization of pseudo conspiracy fiction.
Barbero
analyzing the single sources step by step shows how both representations are
profoundly wrong, and in many details simply false.
The Constantine
we know from the history books is largely invented and the author does not
spare the salacious jokes about the many historians (ancient and modern) who,
in order to remain faithful to the mythical figure of the Christian hero
Constantine (or his opposite) had to bend facts to opinions, ignoring them,
modifying them, interpreting them or perhaps directly inventing them and giving
certain weak hypotheses as facts.
We have many
sources on Constantine but very few historical certainties, we know that the
stories of the panegyrists of his time, on which we rely (especially the
Christian ones: Eusebius of Caesarea and Lactantius) do not correspond with
many of the known facts, and this does not wonder: all these authors have the
explicit goal of praising the Emperor and attributing anything good and
positive to him and downloading anything evil onto others (think about a well
paid politically bended journalist, but with a much greater style and literary
ability).
Barbero, source
after source, destroys the figure of the saint carved in marble, but
two-dimensional, and, refraining from drawing explicit conclusions himself,
lets his work speaks and from the analysis of the documents another figure
emerges this time three-dimensional, of lights and shadows, a gigantic and
often contradictory character.
Drawing my conclusions
at the end of the reading, the thought that struck me most was that although
Constantine is mainly remembered for his religious politics, I really don't
think he considered it an important part of his politics, or even imagined that
he would be remembered for his "private" sympathy for the Christian
God (By private we must obviously mean how much "private" the
attitude of an Absolute Monarch can be).
What are the
main "myths" that we can dispel about Constantine?
The Milan Edict
of Tolerance was revolutionary. No, it wasn’t.
In the public
sphere, Maxentius and Licinius and (more reluctantly) Galerius had already
reached the conclusion that persecuting Christians was at least useless. Our
fixation on an alleged turning point is precisely due to the distortion of
contemporary sources, which, by definition, cannot attribute these merits on
defeated rivals, but must necessarily celebrate only the emperor in office.
Moreover, if we
really say the whole truth about Constantine's Edict of Milan we must say that
it is not an Edict, it was not issued in Milan, it is not by Constantine and it
does not even concern Christians.
What we have is
not actually an edict but a rescritum (i.e. not a real law, but it is something
more like an interpretative ministerial circular), that was issued to Nicomedia
by Licinius, and it gives freedom of worship not only to Christians, but to all
the other religions persecuted in the past (another myth is that the persecutions
were only against Christians, for example even the Manichaeans were persecuted
by Diocletian).
So why are we
talking about Constantine? Well the document bears, as per Tetrarchical
practice, also the name of Constantine (in second position after Licinius), after
the final victory of Constantine, how could it be admitted that the tolerance
of Christians had been proclaimed by a defeated tyrant defined as a persecutor,
and there was no trace of a similar act of the beloved and meritorious reigning
Emperor? The simple solution was to assume that the edict / non-edict had been
decided in Milan where Licinius and Constantine met in 313, or even more that
obviously it was the good Constantine who convinced the evil Licinius.
In two thousand
years of repetition, the hypothesis without any confirmation has become an
indubitable fact and so a circular from Licinius issued to Nicomedia has become
in everyone's mind an Edict of Constantine promulgated in Milan.
Fake news is not
a modern invention.
We can also
dwell on the affirmation that Constantine converted before the battle of Ponte
Milvio following the famous vision of a fiery Cross. No source report this fact.
The hagiographic
sources tell two separate stories: a celestial vision in which Constantine and
the army in Gaul see an XP (the Christogram, not the cross) in the sky and a
dream before the Milvian Bridge in which he dreams the Christogram and the
inscription:. in Hoc Signo Vices (or better en toútōi níka, the words were in greek).
The union of the
two facts is an early medieval reworking. Which after centuries of repetition
has become official history
Moreover, we
must remember that every self-respecting Roman general before a battle had (or
at least declared that he had) visions of victory, dreams and omens and
Constantine was certainly no less.
Again, in the
profusion of sources made available by Barbero of Constantinian visions we find
plenty of them. Athena and Apollo were at home in his tent when he was in the
field.
To make people
understand what is really found in the official texts on which our historical
knowledge is based, my favorite story is the following: before a battle on the
Rhine against barbarian marauders, a god appears to Constantine and the army,
but not any god, it’s his deceased father to appear, the Divo Costantius Clorus
and not alone! He appears accompanied by a whole army of souls of his old
legionaries, who take up the front line alongside the living and with the mighty
terror of their presence defeat the barbarians (in short, a battle of the
fields of Pelennor antelitteram, if you have read Tolkien)!
Barbero
ironically enjoys citing so many respectable historians who are quick to
discount (obviously) pagan apparitions as mere exaggerations or legends, but
who employ pages and pages of twisted reasoning and risky interpretations of
exotic atmospheric and astronomical phenomena to try to save the historicity of
only two christian apparitions.
In the same way
we can also exclude some of the most deeply rooted myths that depict
Constantine as the cynical autocrat who consciously modeled and distorted
Christianity to make it the glue of the new imperial structure (if that were
true it was a disastrous mistake, just remember the tumultuous struggles
between Nestorians, Monophysites, Arians!).
Constantine
convened the Council of Nicaea (and he also paid the bill and expenses) it was
his role as both patron of Christianity and as Pontiff Maximus who governed the
whole religious life of the Empire, but if we read the texts (not apocryphal)
we have a surprise: in his letters the thing that pleased him most is the
definition of a unique method for all the churches of the empire to calculate
the date of Easter!
And the Aryan
dispute? the Creed? Homousia and omoiusia? All those fine arguments that fill
the church history books? Here, too, we have his own words in a letter to the
Council Fathers: “they are philosophical subtleties to break the hair in four,
which make normal faithful headache just thinking about them, and on which
moreover we could never know the truth. Bishops should refrain from arguing
over unnecessary similar elaborations that confuse the flock of the faithful
and get along in peace without causing discord and scandal.”
So wasn't Constantine
who chose the dogmas of the church? It is enough to look at the facts to
understand his sympathies: after the council of Nicaea, Constantine recalled
the condemned heretic Arius and convened a new council in Tire which thought
well to please the emperor rehabilitating him and sending St. Athanasius of
Alexandria (doctor of the church and supporter of the dogma of the
consubstantiality of the Father with the Son) into exile in Trier. Add to this
the fact that he had Eusebius of Nicomedia (right arm of Arius) as a counselor
at court and that on his deathbed he was baptized by him and the answer is
quite clear: Constantine was a supporter of Arius certainly not of Orthodoxy
which made history.
Following orthodox
authors are so embarrassed by facts so obvious, and that cannot be erased, that
they have to put together twisted explanations on how the good Emperor had, as
his only fault, an excessive goodness and tolerance and that he could not bear
the idea of punishing anybody, not even the evil heretics (forgetting
Constantine killed his own wife and firstborn son ...).
Constantine was
certainly a Christian, but he didn't become one immediately, he certainly did
not convert suddenly on the eve of Ponte Milvio, his was a long path that led
him in the last years of his life to be "in a certain sense" a
Christian. Christian yes, but in a very different way from how we now define
being a Christian.
This is not only
due to the historical difference (often underestimated) between our
Christianity and the one existing prior the great ecumenical councils, that is,
before the dogmas that a modern Christian takes for granted were defined (or
even thought of), but also for the simple fact that Constantine was no ordinary
human being. He was the Emperor, the Autokrator. We think that to convert means
to accept something superior and external, to change oneself (the word itself means
it). I don't think Constantine changed himself, he didn't accept something
external, Christianity did not bring value to HIM, HE brought value to
Christianity.
Constantine was
a Roman polytheist, used to seek protection from the gods and dealing and
bargaining with them. I believe that he certainly felt favored by the Christian
God, but I do not think he was "monotheistic" like a modern man,
indeed very personally I think that his vision, for most of his life, had
remained more enotheistic than anything else.
He publicly
favored Christians with donations and a favorable tax system, took bishops to
court (Arians such as Eusebius of Nicomedia and Eusebius of Caesarea), built
churches (the Holy Sepulcher and the Nativity for example, while we have no
evidence instead he actually built he the Roman basilicas, probably St John in
Lateran was founded by Massentius, while St Peter is from his successor Constantius),
made being a Christian not only convenient, but also very trendy and these
demonstrations of favor seem to gradually strengthen over the years.
But on the other
hand we cannot ignore that it also financed the construction of the Temple of
Capitoline Jupiter in Constantinople, and that the Constantinian coinage is
devoid of Christian symbols (even if pagan ones also disappear as well), in the
same way in its arch of triumph in Rome there is not a single sign that
remotely refers to Christianity (despite herculean interpretative efforts of
historians who in both cases try to sell off the slightest isolated scratch as
a cross or Christogram).
To give an
example of how the situation his shaded: in Constantinople, his new capital, a
triumphal column (which still stands) was erected in the center of the forum
that bore his name, In the basement, to protect the city, the legend says that
fragments of the true cross were hidden ... and the Palladio (the sacred statue
of Athena that Aeneas saved from the destruction of Troy and brought to Lazio)
and at the top of the column a statue of the Emperor watched his city
represented in the guise of…. Apollo Helios. Historians can try to deny that
Constantine ever conducted a syncretic policy, but I don't know how to define
it otherwise.
You will question
me, but how this position of the Emperor was reconciled with the faith of the
Christians with which he surrounded himself? Isn't this an open contradiction? Yes,
of course it is, there are no doubts, but I really don't think anyone dared to
go and point this out to "Imperator Caesar Flavius Valerius Aurelius
Constantinus Augustus Pius Felix Victor Maximus". No, you were not going
to discuss with someone who has killed his wife and firstborn son without too
many problems.
In the following
centuries, Constantine was gradually transformed into a two-dimensional icon,
the contradictions smoothed out under a thick coat of plaster, or at least into
an instrument of destiny. Both descriptions inadequate to grasp the depth of
the character.
To understand
the size of the character two quick anecdotes:
Constantine is
the only human being who is both a Christian Saint (at least for the Orthodox
Church) and a full-fledged Pagan Deity (last among the Roman emperors, the
Senate decreed his Apotheosis).
Constantine also
has another paradoxical record: he is the man who in who caused the death of more
Roman emperors: Maximian (his father-in-law), Maxentius (his brother-in-law),
Bassiano, Valente, Martiniano, Licinius (also brother-in-law, husband of his
sister) and Liciniano (nephew, son of his sister), not to mention his own
firstborn son, Crispus, who was appointed Caesar and associated with the throne.
Here you can see a common tract in Constantine family… I mean, killing large
quantities of relatives.
Such a character
was not a saint, in fact he was probably a megalomaniac and I would not have
liked to frequent him (look at the severe and inspired features of his colossal
head in Palazzo dei Conservatori), he was perhaps not even a cynic as others
claim (perhaps not even the stupid fool his nephew Giuliano describes). He
was a complicated person who made history.
This book helps
us to recover and understand it better.
Read it if you
can, I repeat it is a book that you can learn from, and this is a rare
commodity.
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